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De plus, les bâtiments écologiques permettent de réduire le gaspillage et la consommation d’énergie et d’eau, et de propulser l’innovation. Rbc rene levesque royal action direct RBC has the largest branch and ATM network across Canada. Use our locator tool to find the RBC branch or ATM nearest you. Branch and ATM Locator - RBC Royal Bank - Search Results René Charles Lévesque GOQ Quebec French pronunciation ʁœne leˈvaɪ̯k ; August 24, 1922 – November 1, 1987 was a Canadian reporter, a minister of the government of Quebec 1960–1966, the founder of the Parti Québécois political party and the 23rd Premier of Quebec November 25, 1976 – October 3, 1985. Elegantly appointed 2 bedrooms and 1 1 bathrooms condo in "Le Broadway" prestigious building. This unit boasts 1,000 sf of classic elegance & style. Featuring an open concept layout ideal for entertaining, wood floors and a large private terrace of 500 sf. 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That contributes to the financial well-being of the building and avoid future special contributions.*\r\r*The remaining 75.42% of condo fees include air conditioning and heating costs.*\r\r**Addenda\r\r* Cette propriété est située à quelques pas du Vieux-Montréal, du quartier financier de Montréal et du nouveau centre hospitalier de l'Université de Montréal (CHUM) *. \r\r* Les frais de condo incluent une contribution au fonds de prévoyance de 26,58% (lorsque la loi ne requiert que 5%). Cela contribue au bien-être financier du bâtiment et évite les contributions spéciales futures. *\r\r* Les 75,42% restants des frais de condo incluent les frais de climatisation et de chauffage. This is a digitized version of an article from The Times’s print archive, before the start of online publication in 1996. To preserve these articles as they originally appeared, The Times does not alter, edit or update them. Rene Levesque is a poker player - an excellent poker player by most accounts. The Premier of Quebec, who would break the province away from Canada and split the nation, learned to play poker from his grandmother. Few people are more devious than a group of old ladies playing poker.” Rene Levesque the poker player is the key figure in the saga of Canada's troublesome province of Quebec, where 80 percent of the six million Quebecers are French speaking and trace their roots to the first French colonists who sailed up the St. They are fundamentally different from the rest of Canada, whose heritage is British. “She must have been about 70 and I was 6,” Levesque remembers. And Rene Levesque is the loudest, strongest, most convincing and inherently trustworthy voice they have ever heard telling them that they can be themselves, that they share a common destiny, that that destiny is within reach and to hell with anyone who says otherwise. In less than 10 years, Levesque, a former journalist and French William Stockton is a regular contributor to this Magazine. He has a long, narrow face with deep eye sockets and permanent shadows beneath his eyes. Canadian television star, created a new political party in Quebec, from the castoffs of others, and in 1976 gained control of the government of Quebec, financing his efforts with $5 and S10 contributions. (In his more unflattering photographs, he takes on an evil, even satanic, look.) Both hands are heavily stained with nicotine. Parti Quebecois are holding the best cards, and only an inexperienced poker player would try to call their bluff.0At first glance, Rene Levesque, who is riding late at night in the back seat of his official car across the fertile plains south of Montreal, does not look like a charismatic leader. He's been bald for many years but what hair he's got is gray and either hangs down unevenly below his collar or is combed up over the top of his head to hide the baldness. He may wear the same suit three days in a row, and his brown suede shoes are He is chain‐smoking in the back seat. A closer look at the Premier, his arms gesticulating feverishly, unrestrained by the cramped space, whirling in the smoke, suggests that there is great deal more political force to this small, rumpled man. (At 56, he has tried to quit smoking many times, and failed.) His two bodyguards in the front also smoke and his press secretary, Gratia O' Leary, squeezed in between Mr. And conversations with his aides, friends, political enemies, neutral observers and the Premier himself underscore the For one thing, he radiates incredible energy. There is a magnetism about him of such strength that you forget his stature and appearance almost immediately. Like a roaring fire, he lights up and dominates whatever is near. For another thing, he strikes you as unusually direct and responsive . All I can say is you are lying,” he coldly tells a college student who has asserted that there has been new discrimination against English‐speaking citizens of Quebec. “He can't stand formalities, “ says one observer; “that's his appeal to the man in the street. He doesn't entertain the trimmings of the bourgeoisie or the nouveau riche.” “He has succeeded in expressing the aspirations, needs, hopes and tears of French Canadians,” says another. Levesque “has always been able to come out and say exactly what he thinks at just any aid time he feels like it. “You sense in him an ability to speak to you person- ally, whether this is what he is in fact doing or whether he is addressing a large audience or, indeed, a television camera.”You find him, as well, truculently blunt but charming. That takes a lot of guts,” says Philippe Casgrain, a Montreal lawyer and member of the Quebec Liberal Party, the party Levesque defeated in 1976. For more than half a dozen years, most of it while separated from his wife, Levesque lived with his appointments secretary, Corinne Cote, who is almost 30 years younger. Casgrain is very much opposed to Levesque's notions about Quebec separatism. He did so openly, without flaunting the relationship, and did not suffer politically (he married Corinne last April 12. about a year after obtaining a divorce from his first wife). His general openness is no doubt behind a fiery temper, which his friends are quick to acknowledge, but they add that he is, also, too tolerant of others, retaining incompetent people and giving them a fourth and even fifth chance long after they should have been sacked. A voracious reader, particularly of American publications, Levesque has a good memory for facts and figures. He is bilingual, though his American‐English contains such bits of outdated slang as “oodles and oodles,” and he is clearly bright and dedicated. “You have to respect him for it,” says Edward Wolkove, an English‐speaking accountant. You can't put a finger on any tainted action by any of them.” And Levesque's own colleague, Claude Morin, Minister for Intergovernmen- tal Relations, adds: “He baffles me. “You may not agree with Levesque, but he has some of the most brilliant people you can imagine on his team. I mention a problem to him and start to give him all the elements. But he has understood before I have barely begun talking.”0As a young Minister in the early 1960's in the government of Premier Jean Lesage, Levesque earned a reputation as a radical because he pushed nationalization of Quebec's electrical utilities. He stops me and says, ‘In other words, you mean this? So determined was he that at one point he threatened Lesage with resignation unless the idea moved forward. He helped en‘ gineer a new parliamentary election in 1962 in which the central issue was nationalization of the utilities. The campaign slogan was “Masters in our own house.” Levesque and the Lesage government won re‐election and Hydro‐Quebec was created. Owned by the Government, Hydro‐Quebec is a mainstay of the province's economy, exporting electricityabout nationalization, remember this middle level executive at one of them saying, ‘Do you people really think you can run this company as well as we can? Of course he was English speaking and the company was English owned, as they all were. You're just like the British were a few years ago, saying the Egyptians could never run the Suez Canal.’ It was the same paternalistic contempt - the colonial master speaking to the backward native. In his writings and speeches and interviews, Levesque returns to this theme again and again. The Quebecois are capable of controlling their own economy and prospering, of managing their own affairs and determining their own destinies. “It's very important for French Quebecers to prove to themselves that they can run their own affairs,” Levesque said when we talked at length in his office in Quebec, his hands never still as he spoke.“A relatively small North American national community like Quebec will never be healthy if it doesn't have this chance of maturity which goes with being responsible. It doesn't mean waving a flag and shouting nationalistic slogans. But, if you're responsible for yourself as a people, then you can't blame other people if things go wrong. Basically, if you're responsible for your own development and ordering your own society, then you move forward. It's an ideal, but we're going to reach it.”In the lexicon of Canada and Quebec, a person of French heritage is called a “francophone.” A person of English heritage is an “anglophone.” Until just a few years ago, a francophone entering one of Montreal's fashionable department stores and addressing a salesclerk clerk in French would be answered in English with: “Speak white.” A French Canadian lawyer from a wealthy family in Montreal remembers how his mother would speak English — very bad English — in front of the family's French Canadian maid. People of class spoke English and the lawyer's mother didn't want the maid to think her French Canadian mistress didn't have class. Renald Savoie, an official in Quebec's Government House in New York, tells about being spit on a few years ago at a restaurant in one of the best hotels in western Canada when he addressed someone in French. “It's not something you can shrug off and forget,” Savoie says. The francophones of Quebec have never been the victims of oppression or blatant discrimination, certainly not in the sense of blacks in the South or Mexican‐Americans in the United States Southwest. The separatist idea in Quebec become, in the final analysis, a matter of pride, a demand for respect. For decades they have elected their own candidates to public office and been governed by francophones, although there is evidence that the anglophone establishment manipulated these governments behind the scenes. Every francophone has his story about being snubbed, being treated rudely, losing out on a job, taking a back seat. “We want to be ourselves, just like everyone else,” says Savoie. But in a thousand little ways day after day and year after year the French speaking majority in Quebec came to feel second class. Few of their people held the highest jobs in industry and commerce. “We want to have our culture and we want it to be respected.”Rene Levesque and the present‐day Quebecois are taking the 1960's slogan “Masters in our own house” and pushing it farther. With their new language law, which establishes French as the dominant language in all walks of life, decades of francophone frustration are being dealt with. The last vestige of English control of the economy will fall into francophone hands because all business must be conducted in French. Salesclerks in Quebec now address their customers in French first, switching to English if the customer doesn't understand French. A department store must seek a customer's written permission before mailing him or her sales literature in English. Even in the Anglophone sections of Montreal, where all the customers speak English, the signs in the supermarkets are solely in French. Such rules are in effect they're being enforced. “It hurts me that in a province where we are the majority we would have to enact such a law,” Levesque says. 15, 1976, and it was clear that Levesque and the Parti Quebecois had defeated the Liberal government of Robert Bourassa, Montreal had its biggest celebation in years. Quebec had elected a separatist government for the first time in its history. Shock waves raced through Canada and the rest of North America. larger and richer and more powerful, sitting on the borders of New York, Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. And there was speculation about civil war or drastic fragmentation None of that happened, of course. Many companies did leave, some making an ostentatious exit, but Levesque and his Parti Quebecois contend that the departures are part of a longterm shift of many large corporations away from Montreal toward Toronto and the west, shifts that began long before. In April, Levesque honeymooned in Paris with his hride. At a bar in Montrael, a group of Canadian Broadcasting Corporation writers and producers guffawed when I asked about civil war. “Things would have to change radically, in a way that is almost impossible, for that to even be a possibility,” a senior correspondent said after the laughter died down. Later, as I took my leave, one of them called, “When you write about all this, be sure and mention the cases of guns we all have in our basements.” I left the bar with their laughter pursuing Quebec's image of extremism and violence was developed outside Canada because North America's first modern terrorism was born there in the early 1960's. The terrorists turned out to be a tiny group with virtually no following among the people of Quebec. ) kidnapped James Richard Cross, the senior British trade diplomat in Montreal, and five days later kidnapped Pierre Laporte, the Quebec Cabinet's Minister for Labor and Immigration. When I read in American publications that there is a possibility that someone might take hold of the Quebec government or the Parti Quebecois, that just doesn't make sense. Radicalism is even more impossible here than in the United States.” And sociologist Leon Dion at Laval University asks: “How can we have socialism in Quebec when we are so dependent upon the monopolistic capitalism of North America? But their bombs in mailboxes gained international attention, and the terrorism reached its climax in October 1970 when the Front for the Liberation of Quebec ( F. A few days after that, Trudeau's federal Government invoked Canada's War Measures Act, which outlawed the F. Q., empowered the police to search without warrants and allowed arrests and detention without bail. ”“Rene Levesque was probably the best foreign correspondent Canadian television has ever had,- says Hubert Guindon, professor of sociology at Concordia University in Montreal. Pierre Laporte's kidnappers murdered him the following day. Levesque's press secretary, Gratia O' Leary, who is French Canadian despite her father's surname, recalls: “When 1 was a young girl of 13 or 14, my mother would lead me to the television as Rene Levesque's program came on and say, ‘This you must watch. I could sense its importance even at that age.” “If you want a feeling for how effective Levesque is on television and how the people feel about him,” says another university professor in Montreal, “imagine Walter Cronkite as President of the Levesque's father was a lawyer. “New Carlisle was an English town and my father was worried that I'd end up speaking neither French nor English but both at once,” Levesque says. James Cross was freed early in December when police surrounded a suburban Montreal house where Quebec's “October Crisis,” as October 1970 is now known, was an intense experience for Quebecers. Quebec has never had a Cabinet so full of highly educated people who are diplomates of some of the finest institutions in the United States and Europe. The family lived in the small town of New Carlisle on the Gaspe Peninsula, a finger of land at the mouth of the St. “He began teaching me to read French when was about 6. But it also spelled the end of political terrorism. We have a lot of freedom here.’ It made people even more aware of our democratic traditions.”Nevertheless, there remains concern, particularly among the English‐speaking minority, that the Parti Quebecois might shift to the left if Levesque were no longer present. The Quebec Liberal Party, which is the Parti Quebecois's major opposition, often is accused of playing upon this fear of a swing to the left by Levesque and his party. Then later we used to fight each other for the weekend crossword puzzle from the old Montreal Standard to see who could finish in English first. “It was a great shock to Quebec society,” says Robert Bourassa. Claude Morin, one of the Quebecois chief strategists, grows passionate when the possibility is raised.“Ridiculous,” he snorts. He made me aware of language as a communications tool.”Levesque's father was friendly with the group of New Carlisle businessmen who founded the town's radio station, CHNC. “I've been asked about those so‐called radical elements for years. When he was 13, Rene, already bilingual, found a summer job at the station translating wire‐service news reports and advertising copy from English to French. When the station's announcer fell ill that summer, Rene sat down at the microphone and stayed there. As a law‐school dropout, Levesque faced conscription, something that had become a sore point with French Canadians. Seventh Army during the conquest of Europe and was with the first Americans to reach the concentration at Dachau. The following year, after his father died, the family was forced to move to Quebec, where Rene continued in French‐language school and then Laval University, working part time in radio. “I certainly wasn't going to serve in His Majesty's uniform,” he says. Levesque's brashness, bilingualism and radio experience soon got him a job in London— in an American uniform. Levesque joined the French language service of the CBC in Montreal after the war. He entered law school, because following in his father's footsteps seemed the thing to do. So he went to New York and wangled a job with the U. He covered the Korean War and then became a globe‐trotting international‐affairs reporter. vision news analysis program “Point de Mire.”Today, the program sounds dull, something that should be reserved for 7 o'clock on Sunday morning: Levesque lectured about foreign affairs before a blackboard amid chalk dusk and the inevitable clouds of ciga- rette smoke. Ordinary Quebecers had endured cultural and intellectual isolation for generations. A small French island in a North American sea of English, they had little in the way of entertainment, journalism or culture that wasn't produced or filtered through the minds of Americans or English‐speaking Canadians. The advent of the CBC's French‐language television service in 1952, reaching into all the small villages and towns of the province, suddenly opened a large window on the rest of the world.“It was his intensity, his earnestness, his respect for the common man,” says Rita Martel, a CBC program representative in New York who was a production assistant to Levesque then. “And Levesque is undoubtedly the best writer of a voiceover narration for film that I have ever seen. ’ “He might have spent his life as a television journalist if the producers at the French‐language CBC hadn't gone on strike in 1959. On Monday morning no one in Montreal or the rest of Quebec dared to go to the office without having seen Levesque. The strike was a turning point in Levesque's life. It became a shocking reminder that French Canadians in Quebec were second‐class citizens, a realization that Levesque had never confronted. “It was as if we didn't exist, as if the whole French‐language network wasn't there as far as the politicians in Ottawa were concerned,” Levesque said. “The English CBC didn't even bother to cover our strike. The English producers didn't extend us a hand. And some of the English-controlled labor unions weren't so nice either.”Levesque returned to his program for a few months after the 66‐day strike. But when Jean Lesage, the head of the Quebec Liberal Party, approached him about running for a seat in the National Assembly ( which is the Quebec legislature), he quickly agreed. Lesage, Levesque and the Liberals were swept into power.0“There is nothing more certain to make you realize that your people are colonized and are not treated like first‐class citizens than to go abroad and compare,” says Bernard Landry, who was Levesque's executive assistant in the 1960S and is now a Cabinet member. “Levesque had an unusual knowledge of world events, unusual for a Quebec politician of that time. He had been abroad and compared and saw the difference. He, more than most, recognized the colonial nature of Quebec's situation.”Lesage and the Liberals remained in power for six years. In that time Levesque's feelings about Quebec's relationship with the rest of Canada steadily intensified. Quebec, he said, needed more say in her own affairs. “In everything we tried to do in the Quebec government we would hit our heads up against that damned brick wall in Ottawa every time.”In 1966, Lesage's Liberal government stood for re‐election. Although the Liberals won a majority of the popular vote, the opposition party, the Union Nationale, won a majority of seats in the National Assembly. Within a few days, he was organizing a small group of Liberals to discuss the future of the party. As the meetings progressed, it became clear where he was heading — separatism. In the summer of 1967 during a vacation on Cape Cod, Levesque wrote his famous “An Option for Quebec,” an emotional and disjointed statement which began: “We are Quebecois.”“What that means first and foremost ... is that we are attached to this corner of the earth where we can be completely ourselves: this Quebec, the only place where we have the unmistakable feeling that ‘here we can be really at home.’ Being ourselves is essentially a matter of keeping and developing a personality that has survived for three and a half centuries. At the core of this personality is the fact that we speak French. Everything else depends on this one essential element and follows from it or leads us infallibly back to The transformation of Rene Levesque was complete. In seven years he had moved from an international journalist at first uninterested in local Quebec affairs to a liberal, then radical government Minister, then to a separatist. In the fall of 1967 the Liberal Party met for its convention. By a vote of 1,500 to 7, the party refused to adopt Levesque's ideas about Quebec. He left the party, and the Parti Quebecois was born. In 1970 the Parti Quebecois won only seven seats in the National Assembly. But in 1976, because of a combination of factors Levesque's proposal to hold a referendum on Quebec sovereignty and some Liberal Party scandals - the Parti Quebecois captured a majority of seats and Levesque The one thing that is certain about Quebec is that most of the people don't want to be totally separate. For years now, survey after survey has showed that no more than about 20 percent of the population favors complete independence. Levesque agrees that total independence is not his goal. But neither do Quebecers want to be under the thumb of English Canada. They want their cultural heritage to survive intact, and they want to be masters of their own destinies - up to a point. How to achieve this and just how much control they want is where the confusion begins.“Much depends upon the capacity of Quebec to be able to organize itself in some way to make clear to the rest of English‐speaking Canada what it wants,” says Leon Dion, the Laval University professor. “As long as Quebec is divided between the Liberals and the Parti Quebecois, the rest of Canada will say, ‘We will wait. Be of one voice and then we'll see what we will do.’ “ Dion says that ultimately the two main Que- bec political parties will have to come to a compromise. “Quebec as a society must agree in front of the rest of Canada,” he says. The Parti Quebecois did so poorly in Quebec elections in 19 because its separatist stance was too extreme. Levesque, who describes himself as a political pragmatist above all else, dealt with this in the 1976 election campaign with the promise that, if his party were elected, it would hold a referendum to find out what Quebecers wanted. The referendum probably will be held next fall or early in 1980. The best guesses are that voters will be askedthey want Quebec to begin to “negotiate” with the federal Government and the other provinces for sovereignty-association. By election day the people will know exactly what they are voting upon. The definition of sovereignty‐association is vague. It is generally thought to mean an autonomous Quebec which collects and spends its own taxes and controls its own affairs, entering into a European Common Market type arrangement with the rest of Canada involving such matters as economic policy and common defense. They will answer yes or no on something they truly understand.”There is also disagreement about what the referendum re-sults will mean. Quebec would be a sovereign state on an equal footing with the rest“We have no intention of using obscure language so thatpeople will be mixed up.” says Claude Morin. The assumption is that almost all of the English‐speaking Quebecers who vote will say no to the referendum. Since they represent about 15 percent of the vote, the theorists say, a vote of just 43 percent in favor of the referendum will mean a victory for the Parti Quebecois, signifying that more than half of the Frenchspeaking population is in favor of the referendum and, thus, want a major change in Quebec's political status. “But we expect to get much more than 43 percent in the referendum,” says Claude Morin. “And that will show that what we have been talking about over theyears, sovereignty-association, is, after all, shared by a significant part of our population.”Even if the referendum passes and gives Levesque permission to negotiate a new political status for Quebec, the leaders of the rest of Canada have said they won't negotiate. Trudeau, his Conservative opponent, Joseph Clark, and several premiers of other Canadian provinces have all said they are not interested in negotiation. But Herbert Milner, the head of a group of Englishspeaking Quebecers who support sovereignty‐association, says, “I think something will happen in English Canada so that it won't simply be a ‘We won't negotiate position.’ Canadian politicians will at least have to defend that position in English Canada. After that I'm hoping a debate will go on in English Canada about what to do with the people of Quebec who are saying they want something different. I think the Canadian Government won't be able to ig-And what if the rest of Canada still won't consider autonomy for Quebec? What happens if there comes an ultimate confrontation? “I'm very confident of the dynamics of change,” Levesque says. “And there is a very, veryknow where we'll be be two or three years from now, but know we'll be damn closer.”Not long ago, according to a story told by an aide, Rene Levesque and his advisers met to select a slogan for the referendum. It's d'egal a egar —equal to equal.” That slogan now appears on a referendum brochure, flanked on the left by Quebec's white fleur-de-lis and on the right by Canada's red maple leaf. At one point, Levesque excused himself to go to the restroom.


Please note that the information for Royal Bank of Canada, RBC In Chandler, 36 Rene-Levesque Blvd and all other Branches is for reference only. It is strongly recommended that you get in touch with the Branch Phone: (418) 689-2225 before your visit to double-check the details and other questions you may have. Bank Holiday Opening hours / times Easter Opening hours / times Xmas / Christmas Eve / Boxing day / New years Opening hours / times Apologies, this Branch does not provide them with a holiday to the opening times. Please contact this Branch directly Phone: (418) 689-2225 to check opening hours. We have made efforts to ensure that we have the details of all Branches are up to date. It is also possible to : Edit these OPENING HOURS of Branch Royal Bank of Canada, RBC In Chandler, 36 Rene-Levesque Blvd, by clicking on the link: Edit these OPENING HOURS. By clicking on the link: Edit details, to edit Street Name and number, Postcode, Telephone Number of Branch Royal Bank of Canada, RBC In Chandler, 36 Rene-Levesque Blvd, write us your comments and suggestions. This will help other visitors to get more accurate results. ; August 24, 1922 – November 1, 1987) was a Canadian reporter, a minister of the government of Quebec (1960–1966), the founder of the Parti Québécois political party and the 23rd Premier of Quebec (November 25, 1976 – October 3, 1985). He was the first Quebec political leader since Confederation to attempt, through a referendum, to negotiate the political independence of Quebec. Lévesque was born in the Hôtel Dieu Hospital in Campbellton, New Brunswick on August 24, 1922, and raised 133 km away in New Carlisle, Quebec, on the Gaspé peninsula, by his parents, Diane (née Dionne) and Dominic Lévesque, a lawyer. Lévesque attended the Séminaire de Gaspé and the Saint-Charles-Garnier College in Quebec City, both of which were run by the Jesuits. He studied for a law degree at Université Laval in Quebec City, but left the university in 1943 without having completed the degree. He reported from London while it was under regular bombardment by the Luftwaffe, and advanced with the Allied troops as they pushed back the German army through France and Germany. During 1944–1945, he served as a liaison officer and war correspondent for the U. Throughout the war, he made regular journalistic reports on the airwaves and in print. He was with the first unit of Americans to reach Dachau concentration camp. Lévesque worked as a reporter for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's French Language section in the international service. He again served as a war correspondent for CBC in the Korean War in 1952. After that, he was offered a career in journalism in the United States, but decided to stay in Canada. Lévesque covered international events and major labour struggles between workers and corporations that dogged the Union Nationale government of premier Maurice Duplessis culminating with a great strike in 1957 at the Gaspé Copper Mine in Murdochville. The Murdochville strike was a milestone for organized labour in Quebec as it resulted in changes to the province's labour laws. While working for the public television network, he became personally involved in the broadcasters' strike that lasted 68 tumultuous days beginning in late 1958. Lévesque was arrested during a demonstration in 1959, along with union leader Jean Marchand and 24 other demonstrators. In 1960, Lévesque entered politics as a star candidate and was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Quebec in the 1960 election as a Liberal Party member in the riding of Montréal-Laurier. In the government of Jean Lesage, he served as Minister of Hydroelectric Resources and Public Works from 1960 to 1961, and Minister of Natural Resources from 1961 to 1965. While in office, he played a pivotal role in the nationalisation of hydroelectric companies, greatly expanding Hydro-Québec, one of the reforms that was part of the Quiet Revolution. From 1965 to 1966 he served as Minister of Family and Welfare. Lévesque, with friend and Minister of Health Eric Kierans, was heavily involved in negotiations with the Federal government to fund both Quebec and Federal mandates for social programs. In a surprise, the Liberals lost the 1966 election to the Union Nationale but Lévesque retained his own seat of Laurier. Believing that the Canadian federation was doomed to failure, Lévesque started to openly champion separation from Canada as part of the Liberal platform at the upcoming party conference. Kierans, who had been elected party president, led the movement against the motion, with future Premier Robert Bourassa attempting to mediate before siding with Kierans. The resolution was handily defeated, and Lévesque walked out with his followers. After leaving the Liberal Party, he founded the Mouvement Souveraineté-Association. In contrast to more militant nationalist movements, such as Pierre Bourgault's Rassemblement pour l'Indépendance Nationale, the party eschewed direct action and protest and attempted instead to appeal to the broader electorate, whom Lévesque would call "normal people". The main contention in the first party conference was the proposed policy toward Quebec's Anglophone minority; Lévesque faced down heavy opposition to his insistence that English schools and language rights be protected. The election of hardline federalist Pierre Elliott Trudeau as Prime Minister, and the politically damaging riot instigated by the RIN when he appeared at the St. Jean Baptiste Day parade of 1968, led to the sovereignty movement coming together. The MSA would merge with another party in the Quebec sovereignty movement, the Ralliement National of Gilles Grégoire, to create the Parti Québécois in 1968. At Lévesque's insistence, RIN members would be permitted to join but not be accepted as a group. The PQ would gain 25% of the vote in the 1970 election, running on a platform of declaring independence if government was formed. The PQ only won 6 seats, and Lévesque continued to run the party from Montreal by communicating with the caucus in Quebec City. The 1973 election saw a large Liberal victory, and created major tensions within the party, especially after Lévesque was unable to gain a seat. A quarrel with House Leader Robert Burns almost ended Lévesque's leadership shortly thereafter. Lévesque and his party won a landslide victory at the 1976 election, with Lévesque finally re-entering the Assembly as the member for Taillon. His party assumed power with 41.1 per cent of the popular vote and 71 seats out of 110, and even managed to unseat Bourassa in his own riding. The night of Lévesque's acceptance speech included one of his most famous quotations: "I never thought that I could be so proud to be Québécois." On February 6, 1977, Lévesque's car fatally struck Edgar Trottier, a homeless man who had been lying on the road. Trottier had in the past repeatedly used the manoeuvre to secure a hospital bed for the night. Police officers at the scene did not administer the breathalyzer test to Lévesque, because they did not suspect that he was impaired. The incident gained further notoriety when it was revealed that the female companion in the vehicle was not his wife, but his longtime secretary, Corinne Côté. Lévesque’s marriage ended in divorce soon thereafter (the couple had already been estranged for some time), and in April 1979, he married Côté. Lévesque's Act to govern the financing of political parties banned corporate donations and limited individual contributions to political parties to $3,000. This key legislation was meant to prevent wealthy citizens and organizations from having a disproportionate influence on the electoral process. A Referendum Act was passed to allow for a province-wide vote on issues presented in a referendum, giving a "yes" and "no" side equal funding and legal footing. His government's signature achievement was the Quebec Charter of the French Language (colloquially known as "Bill 101"), whose stated goal was to make French "the normal and everyday language of work, instruction, communication, commerce and business". In its first enactment, it reserved access to English-language public schools to children whose parents had attended English school in Quebec. All other children were required to attend French schools in order to encourage immigrants to integrate themselves into the majority francophone culture (Lévesque was more moderate on language than some of the PQ, including the language minister, Camille Laurin. He would have resigned as leader rather than eliminate English-language public schools, as some party members proposed). Bill 101 also made it illegal for businesses to put up exterior commercial signs in a language other than French at a time when English dominated as a commercial and business language in Quebec. On May 20, 1980, the PQ held, as promised before the elections, the 1980 Quebec referendum on its sovereignty-association plan. The result of the vote was 40% in favour and 60% opposed (with 86% turnout). Lévesque conceded defeat in the referendum by announcing that, as he had understood the verdict, he had been told "until next time". Lévesque led the PQ to victory in the 1981 election, increasing the party's majority in the National Assembly and increasing its share of the popular vote from 41 to 49 per cent. A major focus of his second mandate was the patriation of the Canadian constitution. Lévesque was criticized by some in Quebec who said he had been tricked by Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and the English-Canadian provincial premiers. To this day, no Quebec premier of any political side has endorsed the 1982 constitutional amendment. The PQ government's response to the recession of the early 1980s by cutting the Provincial budget to reduce growing deficits that resulted from the recession angered labour union members, a core part of the constituency of the PQ and the sovereignty movement. Lévesque had argued that the party should not make sovereignty the object of the 1985 election and instead opt for the "Beau risque" strategy of seeking an understanding with the federal government of Brian Mulroney, which angered the strongest supporters of sovereignty within the party. He said the issue in the upcoming election would not be sovereignty. Instead, he expressed hope, "that we can finally find government leaders in Ottawa who will discuss Quebec's demands seriously and work with us for the greater good of Quebecers". His new position weakened his position within the party. Some senior members resigned; there were byelection defeats. Lévesque resigned as leader of the Parti Québécois on June 20, 1985, and as premier of Quebec on October 3, 1985. A brief resurgence of separatist sentiment followed. Over 100,000 viewed his body lying in state in Montreal and Quebec City, over 10,000 went to his funeral in the latter city, and hundreds wept daily at his grave for months. Despite a perceived weakening of his sovereigntist resolve in the last years of his government, he reaffirmed his belief to friends and, notably, to a crowd of Université Laval students months before his death, of the necessity of independence. His state funeral and funeral procession was reportedly attended by 100,000 Québécois. During the carrying out of his coffin from the church, the crowd spontaneously began to applaud and sing Quebec's unofficial national anthem "Gens du pays", replacing the first verse with Mon cher René (My dear René), as is the custom when this song is adapted to celebrate someone's birthday. Two major boulevards now bear his name, one in Montreal and one in Quebec City. In Montreal, the Édifice Hydro-Québec and the Maison Radio-Canada are both located on René Lévesque Boulevard, fittingly as Lévesque once worked for Hydro-Québec and the CBC, respectively. On June 22, 2010, Hydro-Québec and the government of Quebec commemorated Lévesque's role in Quebec's Quiet Revolution and his tenure as premier by renaming the 1244-megawatt Manic-3 generating station in his honour. On June 3, 1999, a monument in his honour was unveiled on boulevard René-Lévesque outside the Parliament Building in Quebec City. The statue is popular with tourists, who snuggle up to it, to have their pictures taken "avec René" (with René), despite repeated attempts by officials to keep people from touching the monument or getting too close to it. The statue had been the source of an improvised, comical and affectionately touching tribute to Lévesque. The fingers of his extended right hand are slightly parted, just enough so that tourists and the faithful could insert a cigarette, giving the statue an unusually realistic appearance. This practice is less often seen now, however, as the statue was moved to New Carlisle and replaced by a similar, but bigger one. This change resulted from considerable controversy. Some believed that the life-sized statue was not appropriate for conveying his importance in the history of Quebec. Others noted that a trademark of Lévesque was his relatively small stature. Lévesque today remains an important figure of the Quebec nationalist movement, and is considered sovereigntism's spiritual father. After his death, even people in disagreement with some of those convictions now generally recognise his importance to the history of Quebec. Many in Quebec regard him as the father of the modern Quebec nation. According to a study made in 2006 by Le Journal de Montréal and Léger Marketing, René Lévesque was considered by far, according to the Québécois, the best premier to run the province over the last 50 years. Of the things he left as his legacy, some of the most memorable and still robust are completing the nationalization of hydroelectricity through Hydro-Québec, the Quebec Charter of the French Language, the political party financing law, and the Parti Québécois itself. His government was the first in Canada to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in the province's Charte des droits de la personne in 1977. He also continued the work of the Lesage government in improving social services, in which social needs were taken care of by the state, instead of the Catholic Church (as in the Duplessis era) or the individual. Lévesque is still regarded by many as a symbol of democracy and tolerance. Lévesque was notably portrayed in the television series René Lévesque. In 2006, an additional television miniseries, René Lévesque, was aired on the CBC. He was also portrayed in an episode of Kevin Spencer, a Canadian cartoon show. In it, his ghost attempted a camaraderie with Kevin because of their similarities in political beliefs, as well as the fact that the title character, like René's ghost, claims to smoke "five packs a day". A song by Les Cowboys Fringants named "Lettre à Lévesque" on the album La Grand-Messe was dedicated to him. They also mention the street bearing his name in the song called "La Manifestation". He was the co-subject along with Pierre Trudeau in the Donald Brittain-directed documentary miniseries The Champions. Lévesque was a man capable of great tact and charm, but who could also be abrupt and choleric when defending beliefs, ideals, or morals essential to him, or when lack of respect was perceived, for example, when he was famously snubbed by François Mitterrand at their first meeting. He was also a proud Gaspésien (from the Gaspé peninsula), and had hints of the local accent. Considered a major defender of the Québécois, Lévesque was, before the 1960s, more interested in international affairs than Quebec matters. The popular image of Lévesque was his ever-present cigarette and his small physical stature, as well as his unique comb over that earned him the nickname of Ti-Poil, literally, "Li'l Hair", but more accurately translated as "Baldy". Lévesque was a passionate and emotional public speaker. Those close to Lévesque have described him as having difficulty expressing his emotions in private, saying that he was more comfortable in front of a crowd of thousands than with one person. While many Quebec intellectuals are inspired by French philosophy and high culture, Lévesque favoured the United States. While in London during the Second World War, his admiration for Britons grew when he witnessed their courage in the face of the German bombardments. He was a faithful reader of The New York Times, and took his vacations in New England every year. He also stated that, if there had to be one role model for him, it would be US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Lévesque was disappointed with the cold response by the American economic elite to his first speech in New York City as Premier of Quebec, in which he compared Quebec's march towards sovereignty to the American Revolution. His first speech in France was, however, more successful, leading him to a better appreciation of the French intelligentsia and of French culture. Rbc rene levesque royal bank online sign in Royal Bank of Canada branch in Montréal at 630 Rene Levesque Blvd W-6Th Flr, 630 Rene Levesque Blvd W. Address, contact information, business hours, routing/transit number, etc. René Lévesque René Lévesque, born August 24, 1922, Campbellton, New Brunswick, Canada—died November 1, 1987, Montreal, Quebec, premier of the French-speaking Canadian province of Quebec 1976–85 and a leading advocate of sovereignty for that province. RBC has the largest branch and ATM network across Canada. Use our locator tool to find the RBC branch or ATM nearest you. Branch and ATM Locator - RBC Royal Bank - Search Results Routing Number is used in Canada to identify the bank and the branch to which the payment is directed. Paper Transaction Routing Number: Routing transit number for paper items (or MICR-encoded items) is in the format of XXXXX-YYY which is comprised of a five-digit branch transit number (XXXXX) and a three-digit financial institution number (YYY).2. Electronic Payments Routing Number: It's a 9 digit number which starts with 0 used for electronic fund transactions. 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